Inhalt
- | Kapitel kaufen Titelei1
- | Kapitel kaufen Inhaltsverzeichnis2
- | Kapitel kaufen Beiträge aus Forschung und Anwendung3
- | Kapitel kaufen Syntax3
- | Kapitel kaufen Svetlana Petrova: Free word order in Germanic: Insights from object order in Middle Low German 3
- | Kapitel kaufen Sprachdidaktik31
- | Kapitel kaufen Alexandra Zepter: Systemorientierter Grammatikunterricht: Sprachen erfinden und Grammatik entdecken 31
- | Kapitel kaufen Syntax/Semantik-Schnittstelle55
- | Kapitel kaufen Andreas Trotzke, Stefano Quaglia & Eva Wittenberg: Topicalization in German particle verb constructions: The role of semantic transparency55
- | Kapitel kaufen Morphologie73
- | Kapitel kaufen Boris Haselbach & Marcel Pitteroff: A morphological case approach to PPs73
- | Kapitel kaufen Rezension109
- | Kapitel kaufen Karsten Rinas: Sonja Müller (2014): Modalpartikeln. Heidelberg: Winter.109
- | Kapitel kaufen Informationen und Hinweise113
- | Kapitel kaufen LB-Info113
- | Kapitel kaufen Jahresinhaltsverzeichnis (Jahrgang 2015)116
Beschreibung
In this paper we address the case assignment properties of (spatial) prepositions in German. Applying a word-syntactic framework in the spirit of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), we offer a post-syntactic approach to morphological case (Marantz 1991) in German PPs. We argue that dative is the case that is inherently assigned by the category P and that other cases are derived by regular (Path Impoverishment) or idiosyncratic morphological operations. In particular, we implement the well-known dative/accusative alternation in German PPs that reflects a semantic alternation between a locative and a directional meaning. We also address those spatial prepositions that invariantly combine with a particular case like route prepositions (with accusative) and inherently directional prepositions (with dative). Our analysis turns out to be superior to lexicalist approaches such as Bierwisch (1988) in that we can model the ambiguous preposition über ('above', 'over', 'across') with one underlying element, while in lexicalist approaches one arguably has to postulate two independent lexical entries.
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